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Arab
Public Opinion and the Trial of Saddam Hussein
bitterlemons-international.org
Middle East Roundtable
May 11, 2006 Edition 17 Volume 4
The trial of former Iraqi President
Saddam Hussein was supposed to be part of the healing
process in Iraq. It was intended to send a signal to the
rest of the region about the fate of dictators and the
beginning of a new era of democracy. Instead, it has
merely served to reinforce sectarian divisions within
Iraq and highlight Arab public resentment of American
foreign policy and of the emerging governing order in
Iraq.
From the outset, international
human rights organizations have doubted the ability of
an Iraqi entity under foreign occupation to conduct a
fair trial that does not appear to be a victor's court.
Arab public opinion has continued to view the trial as
an American-backed enterprise intended to justify an
unpopular war. Even the obvious and serious violations
of human rights by Saddam Hussein's regime have been
difficult to push to the front of Arab concerns, given
the many reports of torture in Iraq, both by the United
States military and by the Iraqi government.
The picture of Saddam Hussein in captivity did have an
early impact, especially on rulers: here was an almost
absolute Arab ruler of an important country--which on
the eve of its invasion of Kuwait seemed on the verge of
assuming an Arab leadership role--helplessly held
prisoner. The implications were not missed by many
rulers. Many in the Arab world who long opposed Saddam
Hussein--while many others admired him--were in some
ways pleased to see him removed from office and were
hoping that the promise of political reform in the
region could be fulfilled.
But from the outset, the vast majority of Arabs opposed
the American-led war and saw in it motives that had
little to do with the spread of human rights and
democracy. In surveys I conducted with Zogby
International in six Arab countries (Egypt, Saudi
Arabia, Morocco, Jordan, the United Arab Emirates and
Lebanon) both before and after the war, the majority
believed that the US aimed to control oil, help Israel
and weaken the Muslim world. Only small minorities
believed that the aims included the spread of democracy
and human rights. Thus, even many of those who were not
admirers of the former Iraqi ruler were uncomfortable
seeing a sitting Arab president captured by a foreign
power whose aims they opposed.
Since then, the picture has gotten worse as the trial
has continued to unfold. If some had harbored hope that
the removal of the Baathist regime would usher in a
better era in Iraq that might inspire others in the Arab
world, these hopes have all but disappeared among the
Arab public. To be sure, Iraqis remain split on the
benefits of the new order, with Shi'ite and Kurdish
majorities seeing it as a good thing and most Sunnis
opposing it. But outside Iraq, majorities of Arabs
continue to believe that Iraq is worse off than it was
under the rule of Saddam Hussein, and, even worse, that
the Middle East is now less democratic than it was
before the war. Thus one of the key intended messages of
the trial was dead on arrival.
The trial has had important moments that should have led
to contemplation among all who have followed it,
regardless of their political views. Many victims of the
Iraqi regime spoke movingly of the horrors they
suffered. Yet even these dramatic moments were undercut
by the prevalent suspicion of the legitimacy of the
whole enterprise, of the fact that this has not been an
independent international tribunal whose credibility is
established. Reports of major torture episodes by
coalition forces and by the new Iraqi forces,
exemplified by the Abu Ghraib prison abuse pictures,
have vastly weakened the impact of the evidence of
Saddam's abuses. In an especially powerful episode,
Saddam's lawyers turned to one of his victims who told
of being abused by Saddam's forces in that same prison
and pointedly asked her if Saddam's jailers had
unleashed dogs against her. The image that the question
evoked in the minds of the Arab public was even more
powerful than the testimony of the distraught victim.
In the end, the trial has had a polarizing impact on
Iraqis themselves, and a mostly negative impact in the
Arab world. For the many Iraqis, mostly Shi'ites and
Kurds, who suffered at the hands of the Baathist regime,
the trial has served to comfort and has reinforced their
view that removing the regime was a good thing. For most
Sunni Arabs the trial has served to highlight their new
weakness. In the rest of the Arab world, most have seen
the trial in part through the prism of the Iraqi Sunni
Arabs, in part through their resentment of American
foreign policy, and in part through the fear that the
Iraq war has served to weaken the Arab and Muslim worlds
and to spread anarchy and division within Iraq.-
Published 11/5/2006 © bitterlemons-international.org
Shibley Telhami is Anwar Sadat professor for peace
and development at the University of Maryland and
non-resident senior fellow at the Saban Center of the
Brookings Institution in Washington, DC.
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