|
|
Sociology 498: Homelessness
|
This is the most recent book we will read, and in some ways the most
difficult.
O'Flaherty is an economist so his "way of knowing" is quite different from
the others.
He starts out not unlike the others, but in chapter 6 it becomes clear that
the author is not a sociologist but an economist. Here he develops a
mathematical model to describe how housing becomes available for poor
people. Everything else -- data analysis, policy recommendations -- derives
from that model, so we need to spend a good deal of time trying to understand
how that model works. Then we will see how O'Flaherty derives policy
recommendations based on that model and compare those recommendations to the
policies advocated by our other authors.
We have already accumulated evidence from Rossi, Burt,
Honig and Filer, and (maybe) Jencks that housing shortages are one
of the causes of the growth in homelessness.
O'Flaherty makes a major contribution in trying to explain why those
housing shortages developed at the low income level. His economic
model incorporates several factors; his explanation is not always
easy to follow. But it is important to understand because if
insufficient housing is a cause of homelessness, we must understand
what are the causes of that cause.
O'Flaherty builds a model that ends up suggesting that several
factors could lead to a shortage of housing for the poor. You need to
understand each of those possible factors.
Then, O'Flaherty argues (chapter 7)
that the evidence from his four cities favors one of those factors.
You will need to look carefully at the numbers he actually provides
and then see if his conclusion fits those numbers.
Frankly, for one part of the argument, I think he draws the wrong
conclusion from his own numbers.
This is a detective mission; see if you can find the problems.
Here are the exam questions based on chapter 6 that you need to be
able to answer:
Describe how the following are linked to rates of homelessness by describing
how they are (or are not) linked to
Perhaps a better way to begin discussion and to work towards answers to
those questions is to focus on these problems:
What is the evidence about changes in the income distribution?
Which of the above explanations is this evidence consistent with?
What is the evidence about changes in the available
quantities of low-cost housing
over time and which of the above explanations is this consistent with?
What is the evidence about changes in the available quality of
low-cost housing over time
and which of the above explanations is this consistent with?
This chapter (and the next on substance abuse)
reviews many of the arguments we have already discussed,
especially for Jencks.
But O'Flaherty is writing later so he has the benefit of considering the
earlier arguments. He also has more data.
So, this should be a good review and update.
Regarding the evidence about the incidence of mental illness among the
homeless, O'Flaherty discusses familiar problems:
Then, O'Flaherty turns to a longer discussion of the de-institutionalization
argument. Table 12-1 presents the long time series for the cities he is
considering. What do you make of these numbers?
Table 12-2 adds a consideration that we haven't seen yet. What else is
suggested by these numbers?
O'Flaherty then reviews and tries to counter Jencks' arguments that the
1970s de-institutionalization was different from the earlier
de-institutionalization. What is the counter-evidence?
O'Flaherty ends with a couple of brief arguments about "other effects".
These may be more worth thinking about than even O'Flaherty considers.
The arguments are more sociological than anything else
O'Flaherty discusses because they talk about how mental illness might affect
other people who will then increase homelessness.
Economists sometimes call these "spillover" effects, but they are
basic for most sociologists. How might the homelessness of the mentally ill
affect:
Finally, what is your policy conclusion about what we should do about the
relationship between mental illness and homelessness?
What are the alternatives and what are their advantages and disadvantages?
O'Flaherty has some specific data on alcohol abuse over time? What does it
suggest about the macro-level relationship between alcoholism and
homelessness?
He also presents more complete data on crack and cocaine use as well as
hospitalization due to cocaine use.
How do these data contradict and how do they support Jenck's argument that
crack was a cause of the continued rise of homelessness in the mid to late
1980s?
What is O'Flaherty's argument about substitution?
Again, what should be done? What are the alternatives and what are the
advantages and disadvantages of the alternatives?
Chapter 6: How to think about homelessness
Thus, how does each of the following affect homelessness rates?
If you can answer those questions, then you understand the mechanisms
which O'Flaherty argues is creating the housing shortage for the poor.
Chapter 7: Income distribution
Chapter 12: Mental Health
Be sure to review these arguments.
Like Jencks, O'Flaherty doesn't think these problems invalidate the general
conclusion. What do you think?
Chapter 13: Substance Abuse
| return to: | Sociology 498 home page | Sociology 498 schedule |
| Last updated May 8, 2007 |
comments to: Reeve Vanneman.
reeve@cwmills.umd.edu
|